Authoritarian Populism Index.

The Authoritarian Populism Index is developed by Timbro.

Timbro is the leading free market think tank in the Nordic countries. Our mission is to promote and disseminate ideas supporting the principles of free markets, free enterprise, individual liberty and a free society. Timbro was founded in 1978 by Sture Eskilsson and the Swedish Employers’ Association, a precursor to the Confederation of Swedish Enterprise.  Since 2003, Timbro is financed by the Swedish Free Enterprise Foundation.

 

International outreach and translation supported by Friedrich Naumann Foundation and Atlas Network.

spain

Populism Rank: 16

Summary

Voter support for radical left in last elections (2023): -0.6%.
Voter support for radical right in last elections: -2,7%.
Populist or radical parties in government (March 2024): none
Number of radical or populist MEP:s (2019): 10/59

01 Speakers

Since the transition to democracy after Franco’s death in 1975, Spanish politics has been dominated by two major parties, the socialist PSOE and the conservative PP. In addition, the party system has accommodated a large number of parties, many of them regional. Especially on the left, the number of radical parties with regional or national presence is almost overwhelming. There is also a tradition, particularly on the left, of forming very large electoral alliances.

The Communist Party of Spain (PCE) was formed in 1921 as a breakaway faction from the Socialist Party. The party operated illegally during the dictatorship but nonetheless played a significant role as an opposition to the fascist regime. Following Franco’s death in 1975, the PCE was legalised in 1977 and achieved third place in the first democratic elections held the same year. The PCE adopted a Eurocommunist approach early on, advocating for revolution within the framework of the democratic system, which led to several splits within the party by more orthodox factions. In 1986, the PCE established the umbrella organisation United Left (IU) in collaboration with several smaller radical left parties. The PCE has not run independently in elections since then but has always been part of electoral alliances. The PCE/IU did not lose support following the fall of communist in 1989, instead it enjoyed some of its best electoral results in the 1990s.

Francisco Franco

In 1986, the PCE established the umbrella organisation the United Left (IU [Izquierda Unida]) in collaboration with several smaller radical left parties. The PCE has not run independently in elections since then but has always been part of electoral alliances. The PCE/IU did not lose support following the fall of communism in 1989, instead, it enjoyed some of its best electoral results in the 1990s.

 

Both the PCE and the IU have maintained ambiguity regarding their ideological roots and their role in Spanish politics. As recently as 2017, the PCE reintroduced Marxism–Leninism into its party programme. On social issues, it has become more progressive and focusses strongly on ecological issues.

 

Both the PCE and the IU have maintained ambiguity regarding their ideological roots and their role in Spanish politics. As recently as 2017, the PCE reintroduced Marxism-Leninism into its party program. On social issues, it has become more progressive, also with a strong focus on ecological issues.

Pablo Iglesias.

Podemos (We Can) was established in 2014 by Pablo Iglesias, emerging from the anti-austerity protest movement of the early 2010s. It achieved significant success in the European Parliament election in 2014 and gained representation in the national parliament a year later. In the mid-2010s, alongside Syriza in Greece, Podemos was viewed as one of the prominent examples of a new emerging populist left. Subsequent to a hung parliament, new elections were conducted in 2016, during which Podemos formed an electoral coalition with IU called Unidos Podemos (UD). 

 

In the 2019 election, Podemos experienced a setback but, despite this, after lengthy negotiations, they eventually managed to enter into a coalition government with the PSOE. For the PSOE, it was a significant step to finally admit Podemos, and they tried to find ways to limit their participation, such as demanding that they could only nominate “experts,” not politicians, as ministers. Particularly, Podemos support for Venezuela was highlighted as compromising, as well as their support for Catalan separatists.

 

Podemos is characterised as a broad coalition of diverse left-wing movements. Originally, the party was distinctly populist, drawing inspiration from figures like Hugo Chavez. The cooperation with the Social Democrats in government led to a moderation, and the classification of the party as populist has been disputed since then.

 

Iglesias left politics in 2021. The following year, Yolanda Diaz formed Sumar, a green and leftist electoral platform that brought together Podemos, IU and several other leftist, progressive and green parties. They competed in the 2023 election together and got 12 percent. Late in 2023, Podemos left Sumar, while Sumar together with IU and PCE joined a left-wing government under the leadership of PSOE. 

Santiago Abascal

The far right in Spain experienced a decline following the end of the dictatorship. The sole political party advocating for Francoism and a revival of fascism was Forza Nueva (FN, New Force) which garnered two percent of the votes in 1982 but soon faded away. This party had direct ties to extra-parliamentary groups that were responsible for various acts of terrorism during the years of democratic transition.

 

Vox (“Voice”) is a radical right party that was founded in 2013, partly as a splinter from PP. In 2014 Santiago Abascal became party leader. Its early years were marked by failure, but they experienced a sudden breakthrough in the regional election in Andalusia in 2018 which was followed by them returning 15 percent in the general election in 2019. The 2023 elections were a disappointment for Vox, with 12 percent of the votes. 

 

Vox is strongly nationalist and conservative on social issues, including opposition to abortion and espousing clear anti-feminist rhetoric. It leans to the right on economic matters and holds a somewhat mild eurosceptic stance. The party employs nationalist rhetoric that pits Spanish nationalists against enemies of Spain (“anti-Espana”). It is strongly centralist, aiming to strip regions of power, take control of Gibraltar, and outlaw separatist movements.

 

In 2020, they supported Donald Trump in the US presidential election and refused to acknowledge Biden’s victory, sharing the extreme right wing conspiracy that the elections were stolen.

 

There have been tensions within the party between a more hardline nationalist faction and a faction that has emphasised economic liberalism. Iván Espinosa de los Monteros, co-founder along with Abascal, left political activity in 2023, most likely out of disagreements with the party line. He belonged to the moderate faction.

EP elections

Number of authoritarian or populist MEP:s (2019): 10/59

 

Since 1987, Spain has always been represented in the radical left group in the European Parliament. IU has often been among the larger delegations in the GUE, but in 2004 and 2009, they only won a single seat. In the outgoing parliament, Podemos have 3 seats, IU have 2, and a regional Basque party has 1 seat in the GUE group.

 

Basque nationalist party HB held seats in the European Parliament from 1987 to 1994. Vox entered the EP in 2019 and joined the ECR group with four seats.

PCE summary

Economics: LEFT
Social issues: PROGRESSIVE
EU: PRO-EU
Democratic credibility: MEDIUM

PODEMOS summary

Economics: LEFT
Social issues: PROGRESSIVE
EU: SOFT EUROSCEPTICISM
Democratic credibility: MEDIUM

VOX summary

Economics: RIGHT
Social issues: CONSERVATIVE
EU: SOFT EUROSCEPTICISM
Democratic credibility: MEDIUM

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