Authoritarian Populism Index.

The Authoritarian Populism Index is developed by Timbro.

Timbro is the leading free market think tank in the Nordic countries. Our mission is to promote and disseminate ideas supporting the principles of free markets, free enterprise, individual liberty and a free society. Timbro was founded in 1978 by Sture Eskilsson and the Swedish Employers’ Association, a precursor to the Confederation of Swedish Enterprise.  Since 2003, Timbro is financed by the Swedish Free Enterprise Foundation.


International outreach and translation supported by Friedrich Naumann Foundation and Atlas Network.


Populism Rank: 22


Voter support for radical left in last election (2020): 0 %.
Voter support for radical right in last election: -10,1 %.
Populist or radical parties in government (March 2024): none
Number of radical or populist MEP:s (2019): 1/11

01 Speakers

Lithuania’s party system resembles that of Latvia, with a highly fluid party landscape, numerous mergers, and, just like in Latvia, it has taken time for parties to establish a clear ideological profile. Lithuania has seen a plethora of parties that could be classified as populist, but most of them have had limited voter support and influence.

The most successful radical right party over time has been Order and Justice (TT [Tvarka ir teisingumas]). The TT was founded in 2002 and has participated in several governments between 2010 and 2019. It was national conservative and held right-wing positions on economic and social issues. Following an internal conflict, all MP:s except the group leader left the parliamentary faction for TT in 2019. The dissident’s instead formed a new parliamentary group called For Lithuania’s Welfare. In 2020, the party ceased to exist.


The Labour Party (DP) is the most successful populist party in Lithuania. It was formed in 2004 and surprisingly won the election the same year, after which it formed a short-lived government. DP is a centrist populist party strongly tied to its founder and de facto leader for twenty years, Viktor Uspaskich. The party is officially pro-EU but has gained votes by flirting with eurosceptic attitudes. Since the refugee crisis in 2015, the party has been strongly critical of immigration. DP is relatively friendly towards Russia.

Viktor Uspaskich

Voter support for DP has fluctuated considerably. After the initial success in 2004, it lost more than two thirds of the support for the 2008 election, only reaching nine percent. Four years later, however, they once again reached more than 20 percent, only to fall back to 5 percent in 2016. In 2020, they got 10 percent and is currently the third-largest party in parliament.

EP elections

Number of authoritarian or populist MEP:s (2019): 1/11



TT was in the European parliament between 2004-19 in three different groups: UEN, EFD, and EFDD. The Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union initially joined the UEN but switched to the Green group in 2009. The Polish Minority party is a member of ECR, holding one seat.


DP was a member of ALDE from 2004-2021. In 2021, Uspaskich, now a MEP, was expelled from Renew (successor of ALDE) due to homophobic comments, after which the entire DP delegation left Renew.

DP summary

Economics: CENTRE
Social issues: MODERATE
Democratic credibility: MEDIUM